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For some weeks now, people in Ukraine have taken to the streets to fight for democracy, rule of law, and moving closer to the EU. After almost twenty years of the country’s independence, this protest movement is an indication of how much Ukrainian society has changed in the last years and of how strong the desire for change is among young Ukrainians. Gabriele Woidelko, spokesperson of the EUSTORY Network Steering Committee, spoke with Petro Kendzor (co-founder of the non-governmental NOVA DOBA association, and organiser of the Ukrainian EUSTORY Competition) about civil commitment, the political significance of conveying history and democratic education, and about the role of the young generation as the driving force behind societal change in the Ukraine.

G.W.: In the media you get the impression that the protests in the Ukraine are focussing mainly on the capital of Kiev. You live and work in Lviv, a city in Western Ukraine near the Polish border whose population is considered to be traditionally very Europhile. Can you describe the current situation? Are there big demonstrations and rallies in your city as well?

P.K.: Lviv, my hometown, is often referred to as the spiritual and intellectual capital of the Ukraine. After President Yanukovych had decided against signing the Association Agreement with the EU, students in Lviv started their protests which spread to the capital Kiev within a few days. At the moment, Lviv seems quiet but under the surface political unrest is brewing. Two people of my city lost their lives on the barricades in Kiev. Many of my friends and acquaintances are in Kiev right now where the fate of our country will be decided.

G.W.: Along with like-minded people you founded NOVA DOBA, the all-Ukrainian Association of Teachers of History in the 1990s. NOVA DOBA advocates a modern and critical approach to history, democratic education and participation of the young generation. Which role do you think do civil societies and civic structures play in the current protests?

P.K.: One of the main reasons for the expansion of the protests in Ukraine was the adoption of several laws on 16 January 2014 which curtailed basic democratic rights such as freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and civic involvement, and which gave the administration far- reaching and authoritarian powers. A central element of these laws is a new law requiring civic associations to clear their activities with the administration. A law like this will lead civic involvement ad absurdum.

G.W.: Your area of interest is history and democratic education. What do you think is the meaning of history within the Ukrainian society today, 23 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union and your national independence? Which role does history play in the current protests?

P.K.: It is interesting to see that different groups use history for their own purposes in the current confrontation. Nostalgists remembering Soviet times romanticise the golden days of Stalin and all of his successors – with the exception of Mikhail Gorbachev. Others fly flags and carry posters with “Ukraine above everything” written on them – the same flags and posters on which, just a few years ago, you could read “Fight for Ukraine or Die”. However, the majority of people who protest on the Independence Square in Kiev right now have learned a lesson from history, namely that violence has not and will not improve the situation. It is people like this who have kept the protests going for more than two months now, in spite of the hard conditions they are facing.

G.W.: What could be the contribution of your association to the social changes in the Ukraine?

P.K.: The work our association does might at first look to be apolitical. We work with history teachers, historians, students and pupils. The main goal of our work is to prepare young people to actively participate in society. It would be an exaggeration if I said that students and pupils who participate in our projects automatically become political activists in Kiev. We support them to get involved in public debates and processes in a competent and responsible yet civilised and peaceful manner. In today’s Ukraine, especially among young people, the percentage of those who are indifferent towards political and societal developments has dropped significantly. I suppose that could be seen as a modest achievement of our association in the last 15 years.

Our second important aim is to initiate a process of reconciliation about historical topics which separates people in Ukraine. From our point of view it is fundamental to “Europeanise” the teaching of history in schools and universities. Therefore we plead for a multi-faceted, critical and open view on history which allows for exchange and debates about things lie in the past without thinking in terms of black and white. We cooperate with prominent historians, teachers from within our network and, of course, young people who participate in our history projects and history competitions and give the past close scrutiny.

And there is a third field in which we are active with our association even though we would never officially communicate it that explicitly: we would like to bring together youths and young adolescents, teachers and scientists from all parts of Ukraine so that they can discuss and work with each other. It is a known fact, even beyond the borders of Ukraine, that the population of our country is deeply divided in their political positions and beliefs depending on the region they live in. Since we gained our national independence more than twenty years ago nothing has been done to overcome this division. On the contrary – as long as this division exists political manipulations, for instance surrounding elections, will be made easy.

G.W.: What does that mean taking into account the current situation?

P.K.: The current administration is not interested in modern, enlightened, critical citizens. The current administration prefers citizens for whom history, for instance, is a matter that they neither scrutinise nor discuss from a humanistic angle, not to mention use it as a starting point for reconciliation. The current administration desires a society with no history, or rather a society with a collective memory in which power and the glory of days gone by takes centre stage.

G.W.: You not only work with teachers but also with many pupils and students. What are the hopes, values and wishes of young people in Ukraine today? What kind of country do they wish for in the future?

P.K.: I have just returned from Kiev and am full of impressions from meeting former students and pupils of mine. But first of all I would like to make a personal observation: I used to believe that the changes in Ukrainian society were carried by my generation, people in their mid-forties. But now I realise that the driving force is the generation of the 25 to 35 year olds. And they approach things differently and better than we did. I am happy for them because they were able to develop different ideas for themselves and their lives than we could. Our youth are using computers and social media naturally, don’t need translators when asked questions by foreign journalists. They are flexible and quick, and differences in background, religion and culture are negligible. And – and this is almost the most important – they are so unbelievably positive and full of energy. That was what was missing in the Ukraine in the last years. This generation needs our support now!